Manhood Across Cultures

Most passage rites reflect a coming of age ceremony, and among the most historically conserved rituals involves that of manhood.  Traditionally, life stages have been categorized in the order of infancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood (Scheer and Blumenkrantz 2007).  In the public sphere, the notion of childhood gained popularity in 18^th century France, as well as 19^th century America with increasing industrial practices (Scheer and Blumenkrantz 2007). With G. Stanley Hall’s work in 1904, an adolescent development stage was widely recognized, before leading to the social stage of manhood (Scheer and Blumenkrantz 2007). 

In both modernized and tribal societies, manhood practices have deep roots.  In each case, manhood rituals represent many of the aforementioned anthropological criteria for a rite of passage.  Victor Turner (1964) notes all manhood passes contain a liminal phase in which participants are secluded from others to gain independence and self-strength.  This solitude and loneliness constitutes suffering the initiate must then endure.  Steven Foster (1987: 50) also describes food and drink restrictions (fasting) in conjunction with one’s trial.  Furthermore, one’s transition into manhood may require the supervision of an elder, or sponsor.  A knowledgeable relative or other societal member monitors the progress of the boy’s transformation, and gives specific instruction on the duties of a man in the context of their particular culture (Foster 1987: 50).  For example, this may include sexual instruction, and advice on marriage or relationships  (Foster 1987: 50).    

Again, as with all rites of passage, the process of manhood is unique to all cultures and contains different symbols and passage requirements from system to system.   Particular anthropological studies, however, have examined manhood in the context of tribal societies.  In many cases, tribal peoples may contain elaborate and enduring manhood trials.  For example, the cattle herding Barabaig tribe of Eastern Africa cuts boys’ heads to the bone from ear to ear, leaving scars deep enough to appear on the skull (O’Neil 2007).  Upon receiving these incisions a male has received “gar” and is viewed as a man.  Additionally, genital harm often signifies progression from boy or teen to man.  Unanesthetized circumcision is performed in Australian Aborigine societies, and males may also have to beat their penis with a rock until it is bloody (O’Neil 2007).  Moreover, the intentional consumption of harmful substances often serves as a test—the Luiseño Indians give males a powerful hallucinogenic, called ‘toloache,’ which occasionally causes death (O’Neil).  And in Brazil, the Matis tribe forces boys to become injected with poison dart frog poision (Gedrose 2008).  Our in class reading further defines manhood with respect to a tribal society, the Gebusi peoples of Papua New Guinea.  Here, initiates must suffer sleep deprivation, the pain of a heavy wig on their head, and are faced with consuming the semen of their elders (which, in their society, is a normal and symbolic means to obtain a physical substance of manhood).

While my research helps outline many cross-cultural manhood practices in the paragraph above, I still wanted to visualize various rituals firsthand and extend my personal reflection on the procedures.  In doing so, I came across two episodes of National Geographic’s Taboo: Rites of Passage and Initiation Rites.  One episode chronicles the life of Tando, an initiate in the Xhosa tribe of South Africa.  While the Xhosa live in the modern world, they retain the ancient manhood practice of unanesthetized circumcision.  A “surgeon” with no formal training cost Tando’s family several months salary, and performed the risky procedure (which, in one year, caused the death of 12 participants per infection).  Following the operation, Tando retreated to a hut built by his elders for his wound to heal—where he was not allowed to drink water.  After one month in the hut, and the elder’s final approval of his psyche, Tando was able to return to his village as a man.  Furthermore, Taboo: Initiation Rites vividly follows the manhood rituals of the Fulani and Amazon tribal peoples.   In the African nation of Benin, the Fulani practice a physically enduring trial event.  As witnessed through the development of a thirteen year old boy, Bapate, willing initiates must endure a whipping duel.  Two men to be must find and sharpen a whipping stick, and give the other three strong hits across the back.  Peoples from local clans travel some 30 miles on foot to see the event and the participant who flinches or grimaces the least wins and becomes a man.  Moreover, in Inhoabe, Brazil, the passage into manhood requires a similarly grueling physical stunt.  Hopeful men must stick their hands into gloves infested by Giant Tropical Bullet Ants not one, but twenty different times at ten minute intervals.  Each ant sting is some 30 times worse than a bee sting, and only once completing the stunt is one deemed strong enough to be a warrior and support a wife.

So what conclusions can be drawn from this jumble of research?  What significance do these seemingly uncharacteristic and brutal procedures contain from an edic perspective?  For one, it appears these manhood rituals are a reflection of qualities celebrated by a particular society.  Amidst difficult physical and mental trials, initiates must remain brave, calm, and insusceptible to fear—and these characteristics are those directly valued by their culture.  Consequently, initiate performance often brings familial shame or honor—Bapate won his family honor with his whipping win, while his losing opponent garnered potential disappointment to his family’s name.  In this way, with deep connections to admired cultural values, the manhood ritual’s importance may extend beyond the participant at hand.  Additionally, these arduous practices help cultivate a sense of collective identity.  Tando lived in his own hut in the wilderness for roughly one month, but closely surrounding his hut were those of other initiates whom he came to interact with over time.  Thus, the difficulty of the process helps unify those involved.  Furthermore, pain is often a representation of truth (Foster 1987: 50).  That is, amidst great physical suffering, the true personality of the individual is expressed, and this enables elders to see if any mental transformation has occurred through the growing process.  In all, in the society’s eyes, emotional and physical tolls help build better men.

Bibliography

Foster, Steven.  1987.  “Passage into Manhood: A modern ritual for young men.”  Gender 16 (Spring).  50.  http://www.context.org/iclib/ic16/foster/

Gedrose, Alexandra. “The 5 Most Terrifying Rites of Manhood from Around the World.”  Last modified June 06, 2008.  http://www.cracked.com/article_16313_the-5-most-terrifying-rites-manhood-from-around-world.html

O’Neil, Dennis.  “Rites of Passage.”  Last modified January 08, 2007.  http://anthro.palomar.edu/social/soc_4.htm

Schleer, Scott and Blumenkrantz, David.  “Rites of passage during adolescence.”  The Forum for Family and Consumer Issues.  12(2).  http://ncsu.edu/ffci/publications/2007/v12-n2-2007-summer-fall/scheer.php

Turner, Victor W.  1964.  “Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage.”  The Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society.  4-20.  http://www2.fiu.edu/~ereserve/010010095-1.pdf