Manhood & Rites of Passage

Tuesday, December 2, 2014

History and Background: What are Rites of Passage?

Rites of passage are defined as rituals that mark the passage of a person through their own life cycle. First described by Arnold Van Gennep in his 1908 work, Les rites de passage, the term evolved from Gennep’s observation of various existent life crises (Scheer and Blumenkrantz 2007). Amidst major life changes, such as birth, the onset of puberty, illness, and death, situations are often emotionally charged (O’Neil 2007). According to Van Gennep, all societies contain outlets for coping with these sensitive moments—and these include rites of passage, or ritual ceremonies to designate the transition of life phases.

Cultures practice a range of passage rituals with various meanings. The ritual may have social or psychological implications—for example, a graduation ceremony may designate manhood or womanhood. Often, the ritual has a religious and spiritual context. In the Catholic Church, baptism symbolizes rebirth, confirmation denotes strength, while matrimony further approves a man’s completion of church duties (Prevos 2001). Without the completion of these rituals, one cannot be Catholic. It is worth noting that some rites may be less ceremonial. Birthdays and funerals do not signify initiation, but the psychological essence of these rites is still apparent (Prevos 2001).

Regardless of the particular passage ritual, Van Gennep identifies unifying characteristics among passage ceremonies. In an initial separation phase, the subject is distanced from their initial identity (Tzanelli 2007). This separation may be both symbolic and physical—and the physical component may include removing clothing or body parts (Prevos 2001). Following this phase, the participant undergoes what Van Gennep then describes as a liminal (threshold) phase (Tzanelli 2007). Here, the process of adapting one’s new identity begins. One must learn the future obligations of their new role, and a sponsor is often given to the candidate for guidance and protection (Prevos 2001). Ultimately, a reaggregation, or final phase, reinstates the member in society to their new status (Tzanelli 2007). The threshold has been passed, and the participant may receive tangible items such as jewelry, tattoo, or clothing for earning their new role (Prevos 2001). A public statement may also be made to vocalize the initiation (Prevos 2001).

While most rites involve these core ideas, every ritual has its unique components. It is these distinctive practices that define a society’s culture—as passage rites help characterize a group’s norms, values, and mental maps of reality. If rites of passage are eliminated, culture is lost—and such an issue has originated amidst an era of globalization that fosters ‘cultural imperialism’ (O’Neil 2007)). In Kenya, a Masai women’s group practices genital cutting amidst a coming of age initiation, and recent efforts by European and North American social groups have sought to eliminate the practice (O’Neil 2007). While an etic perspective views the procedure in a harsh, barbarian context, a more emic perspective within the Masai culture sees the practice as a cultural necessity. Furthermore, it is worth noting that within many tribal societies, initiation rituals are required. On the other hand, in more secular proceedings, ritual participation may be voluntary—as marriage is optional in postmodern Western society (and need not be an elaborate ceremony), and one need not be buried formally. All in all, cross-cultural analyses of passage rites raise ethical concerns. A specific analyzes of unique rite of passage procedures is to be analyzed in a subsequent blog.

Bibliography

O’Neil, Dennis. “Rites of Passage.” Last modified January 08, 2007. http://anthro.palomar.edu/social/soc_4.htm

Prevos, Peter. “Initiation and Rites of Passage.” Last modified February 6, 2001. http://prevos.net/humanities/sociology/ritual/

Tzanelli, Rodanthi. 2007. “Rite of Passage.” Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. http://www.sociologyencyclopedia.com/public/tocnode?id=g9781405124331_yr2011_chunk_g978140512433124_ss1-70#citation

Schleer, Scott and Blumenkrantz, David. “Rites of passage during adolescence.” The Forum for Family and Consumer Issues. 12(2). http://ncsu.edu/ffci/publications/2007/v12-n2-2007-summer-fall/scheer.php

Manhood Across Cultures

Most passage rites reflect a coming of age ceremony, and among the most historically conserved rituals involves that of manhood. Traditionally, life stages have been categorized in the order of infancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood (Scheer and Blumenkrantz 2007). In the public sphere, the notion of childhood gained popularity in 18^th century France, as well as 19^th century America with increasing industrial practices (Scheer and Blumenkrantz 2007). With G. Stanley Hall’s work in 1904, an adolescent development stage was widely recognized, before leading to the social stage of manhood (Scheer and Blumenkrantz 2007).

In both modernized and tribal societies, manhood practices have deep roots. In each case, manhood rituals represent many of the aforementioned anthropological criteria for a rite of passage. Victor Turner (1964) notes all manhood passes contain a liminal phase in which participants are secluded from others to gain independence and self-strength. This solitude and loneliness constitutes suffering the initiate must then endure. Steven Foster (1987: 50) also describes food and drink restrictions (fasting) in conjunction with one’s trial. Furthermore, one’s transition into manhood may require the supervision of an elder, or sponsor. A knowledgeable relative or other societal member monitors the progress of the boy’s transformation, and gives specific instruction on the duties of a man in the context of their particular culture (Foster 1987: 50). For example, this may include sexual instruction, and advice on marriage or relationships (Foster 1987: 50).

Again, as with all rites of passage, the process of manhood is unique to all cultures and contains different symbols and passage requirements from system to system. Particular anthropological studies, however, have examined manhood in the context of tribal societies. In many cases, tribal peoples may contain elaborate and enduring manhood trials. For example, the cattle herding Barabaig tribe of Eastern Africa cuts boys’ heads to the bone from ear to ear, leaving scars deep enough to appear on the skull (O’Neil 2007). Upon receiving these incisions a male has received “gar” and is viewed as a man. Additionally, genital harm often signifies progression from boy or teen to man. Unanesthetized circumcision is performed in Australian Aborigine societies, and males may also have to beat their penis with a rock until it is bloody (O’Neil 2007). Moreover, the intentional consumption of harmful substances often serves as a test—the Luiseño Indians give males a powerful hallucinogenic, called ‘toloache,’ which occasionally causes death (O’Neil). And in Brazil, the Matis tribe forces boys to become injected with poison dart frog poision (Gedrose 2008). Our in class reading further defines manhood with respect to a tribal society, the Gebusi peoples of Papua New Guinea. Here, initiates must suffer sleep deprivation, the pain of a heavy wig on their head, and are faced with consuming the semen of their elders (which, in their society, is a normal and symbolic means to obtain a physical substance of manhood).

While my research helps outline many cross-cultural manhood practices in the paragraph above, I still wanted to visualize various rituals firsthand and extend my personal reflection on the procedures. In doing so, I came across two episodes of National Geographic’s Taboo: Rites of Passage and Initiation Rites. One episode chronicles the life of Tando, an initiate in the Xhosa tribe of South Africa. While the Xhosa live in the modern world, they retain the ancient manhood practice of unanesthetized circumcision. A “surgeon” with no formal training cost Tando’s family several months salary, and performed the risky procedure (which, in one year, caused the death of 12 participants per infection). Following the operation, Tando retreated to a hut built by his elders for his wound to heal—where he was not allowed to drink water. After one month in the hut, and the elder’s final approval of his psyche, Tando was able to return to his village as a man. Furthermore, Taboo: Initiation Rites vividly follows the manhood rituals of the Fulani and Amazon tribal peoples. In the African nation of Benin, the Fulani practice a physically enduring trial event. As witnessed through the development of a thirteen year old boy, Bapate, willing initiates must endure a whipping duel. Two men to be must find and sharpen a whipping stick, and give the other three strong hits across the back. Peoples from local clans travel some 30 miles on foot to see the event and the participant who flinches or grimaces the least wins and becomes a man. Moreover, in Inhoabe, Brazil, the passage into manhood requires a similarly grueling physical stunt. Hopeful men must stick their hands into gloves infested by Giant Tropical Bullet Ants not one, but twenty different times at ten minute intervals. Each ant sting is some 30 times worse than a bee sting, and only once completing the stunt is one deemed strong enough to be a warrior and support a wife.

So what conclusions can be drawn from this jumble of research? What significance do these seemingly uncharacteristic and brutal procedures contain from an edic perspective? For one, it appears these manhood rituals are a reflection of qualities celebrated by a particular society. Amidst difficult physical and mental trials, initiates must remain brave, calm, and insusceptible to fear—and these characteristics are those directly valued by their culture. Consequently, initiate performance often brings familial shame or honor—Bapate won his family honor with his whipping win, while his losing opponent garnered potential disappointment to his family’s name. In this way, with deep connections to admired cultural values, the manhood ritual’s importance may extend beyond the participant at hand. Additionally, these arduous practices help cultivate a sense of collective identity. Tando lived in his own hut in the wilderness for roughly one month, but closely surrounding his hut were those of other initiates whom he came to interact with over time. Thus, the difficulty of the process helps unify those involved. Furthermore, pain is often a representation of truth (Foster 1987: 50). That is, amidst great physical suffering, the true personality of the individual is expressed, and this enables elders to see if any mental transformation has occurred through the growing process. In all, in the society’s eyes, emotional and physical tolls help build better men.

Bibliography

Foster, Steven. 1987. “Passage into Manhood: A modern ritual for young men.” Gender 16 (Spring). 50. http://www.context.org/iclib/ic16/foster/

Gedrose, Alexandra. “The 5 Most Terrifying Rites of Manhood from Around the World.” Last modified June 06, 2008. http://www.cracked.com/article_16313_the-5-most-terrifying-rites-manhood-from-around-world.html

O’Neil, Dennis. “Rites of Passage.” Last modified January 08, 2007. http://anthro.palomar.edu/social/soc_4.htm

Turner, Victor W. 1964. “Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage.” The Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society. 4-20. http://www2.fiu.edu/~ereserve/010010095-1.pdf

Manhood in America

With the whirlwind of cross-cultural analyses in the previous blog, it’s time to solely address the process of manhood in America. Unlike tribal societies, there is no specific protocol or procedure for becoming an American man—and all American boys need not complete an arduous physical task before gaining status. However, the essence of American manhood has been well defined by anthropologists, beginning in the early 19^th century.

In his work, “Manhood in America: A Cultural History,” Michael Kimmel (2006) outlines social manhood perceptions starting in the 1800s. Historically, from then to 20^th and 21^st centuries, Kimmel argues that American manhood is a constant struggle to prove oneself to women, but moreso to other men (Kimmel 2006). The early 19^th century brought three common ideals of American manhood: the Self-Made Man, the Genteel Patriarch, and the Heroic Artisan (Kimmel 2006). By Kimmel’s argument, it is the Self-Made Man who is most respected by others in American society—a man who serves as a family breadwinner and dominant social force. As Thomas Joyce further notes, this man satisfies his wife, engages in politics, and acts as and independent and motivated person (2011:25). With the coming of the 1950s and big business, many men engaged in white-collar lifestyles (Joyce 2011). However, these lifestyles were criticized, and did not embody the true manhood ideal—as wealthy men of this class were considered more submissive and weak (Joyce 2011).

Kimmel, in “Masculinity as Homophobia: Fear, Shame, and Silence in the Construction of Gender Identity,” further defines American manhood in the context of ‘sissiness’ (1994). As American manhood is a constant struggle to continually prove oneself, the ultimate humiliation involves ties to feminine nature. This idea is also argued in our textbook, with C.J. Pascoe’s ethnography, Dude, You’re a Fag. In his work, Pascoe finds that ‘fag’ often isn’t used as an outright homosexual slur. Instead, the word is freely tossed around American school systems to denote a blow to one’s masculinity. Specifically, Pascoe notes how ‘fag’ is often used to describe a boy who is full of emotion, dresses in more feminine ways, and is overall not masculine enough. Thus, American manhood historically shies away from the display of any ‘female’ emotions or activities.

Furthermore, it is worth noting American manhood’s specific connections to one’s physical nature. Kimmel (2006) describes the increasing national popularity of sports in the 20^th century, which to this day, grosses billions of dollars in revenue each year. With increasing television and technology access, the role model for the average American boy was often the strongest, fastest, and most victorious athlete at the time. Moreover, the textbook highlights a particular example of young boys and Tee-Ball. From a young age, parents often enroll their children in sports. In the case of Tee-Ball, a case study revealed that boy participants received more coaching than female participants. Specifically, those boy Tee-ball players who displayed the most skill received greater encouragement and attention. Thus, from an early age, there is an immediate American emphasis on manhood and physical strength or prowess. Coupled with sports, and other national developments including Playboy, Kimmel (2006) notes the development of this physical emphasis.

Overall, there are certainly characteristics of the American ‘man’ that we value and expect. However, the specific American “rite of passage” for coming of age is much less loosely defined. Steven Foster (1987) says Americans possess few meaningful rituals for marking manhood—and while driver’s licenses, continued education, voting, drinking, marriage, and employment mark transitions, there is a lack of passage coherency. This is likely the result of the American culture—which is really a ‘melting pot’ of many different cultures. With isolated tribes, a passage rite may have a very particular procedure, and has been maintained for years within that society. But with the constant blending of cultures and ideas in America, the ‘manhood’ passage experience differs on a familial basis. And while Kimmel (2006) outlines many well-respected and desired qualities of the American man, he is careful to note that these qualities are ‘static.’ As American culture continues to change and becomes increasingly more diverse, different norms may foster the support of different ‘manly’ characteristics. Surely, this process has already begun—with increasing national support to homosexual peoples. Hate crimes versus gay peoples have been heavily denounced by society, and most states are moving toward the legalization of gay marriage. Athletes who mutter gay slurs are fined despite their great physical strength and manhood (even Kobe Bryant, the epitome of an NBA star, couldn’t get away with his anti-gay comments). This will undoubtedly complicate the perception of the American man in the future—perhaps a US ‘man’ is still a breadwinner and individually motivated for their family, but the context of their family or spouse will be less relevant.

Bibliography

Foster, Steven. 1987. “Passage into Manhood: A modern ritual for young men.” Gender 16 (Spring). 50. http://www.context.org/iclib/ic16/foster/

Joyce, Thomas. 2011. “A Nation of Employees: The Rise of Corporations and the Perceived Crisis of Masculinity in the 1950s.” The Graduate History Review. 3(1): 24-26. http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CCAQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fjournals.uvic.ca%2Findex.php%2Fghr%2Farticle%2Fdownload%2F5998%2F2720&ei=mzZ-VP2ZMsKWyASIvIGIDg&usg=AFQjCNEG0BJ8qQ0H0rzD5GWhK06wu6Hs8A&sig2=EHRoF-2YfsKZNgQODp7-7A&bvm=bv.80642063,d.aWw

Kimmel, Michael S. 2006. “Manhood in America: A Cultural History.” Oxford University Press. 173-191. http://www.homeworkmarket.com/sites/default/files/q2/03/04/kimmel__the_masculine_mystique.pdf

Kimmel, Michael S. 1994. “Masculinity as Homophobia: Fear, Shame and Silence in the Construction of Gender Identity.” Theorizing Masculinity. 92. http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=9I7ExPk-920C&oi=fnd&pg=PA81&dq=Masculinity+as+Homophobia:+Fear,+Shame+and+Silence+in+the+Construction+of+Gender+Identity,”&ots=r8Tz7kUDEU&sig=gehHL0fY6SIstlVlt_IulKZkOTw#v=onepage&q=sissy&f=false

Personal Experiences with Manhood

As a 19-year-old male, it is likely that I would have achieved definitive manhood in other cultures. As outlined in the descriptions of other cross-cultural manhood practices, I would have become a man by the time I was eight in Vanuatu society (but only after bungee jumping off of a 100 foot platform). Or if I had been born into an Australian Aborigine society, I would have become a man by age 16—given the cost of a painful circumcision ritual. Even in America, it’s possible I should have a personal sense of my own manhood by now. At 18 years of age, a child is no longer warranted child support from the father of a divorced parent (perhaps because he is no longer a “child” in the context of society). Additionally, an 18 year old goes off to college and has the liberties of buying tobacco products. However, despite these notions, I find myself unable to qualify my personal manhood experience. Overall, I feel there are general processes of maturation in American culture, but no specific outline for becoming a man in the presence of your father or elders.

Nowadays, I feel one’s American manhood is mainly viewed in the context of their peers. Particularly, there is a strong emphasis on sexuality. I have heard many college friends ask others what their ‘body count’ is—and for those who answer with higher numbers, more respect is earned. As a college sophomore, I still have close ties with many of my friends back home, and with each return I’m fascinated. The first questions they ask me are often along the lines of “hey, how are you?” Or “how has school been going.” But immediately following these icebreakers, I’ll get something like “how have the ladies been treating you?” I have always had competitive friends, but with my additional experiences at Gettysburg, it seems one’s manhood is often tied to sex in our modern era.

Furthermore, in the context of my peers, I felt my “manhood” was often judged in the context of sports. In high school, I played on varsity soccer and hockey teams, and in each case, I found myself in similar roles. As a starting defender for the soccer team, my role often involved slide tackling and out-bodying opponents. And in hockey, while I assisted goals, my duties often involved checking the competition. Whenever I made a great slide tackle or a big open-ice check on the opposition, I would always hear a wave of cheer from fans and teammates. Thus, physical contact correlated to ‘manhood’ before my peers.

For me, I feel my manhood has only been judged in these societal contexts. With my father, I cannot make any clear connection to one of my personal actions that changed his perception of me. In the Gebusi tribe and other cultures, ritual acts held before elders result in altered perceptions of those involved in the ceremony. The individual starts off a boy or adolescent, but after whatever the process entails, he is forever viewed in a different context as a man. I feel as though I have not quite had this experience, or at least, it has been much less clearly displayed. I have gone through what many consider ‘American’ passage rituals—I have graduated high school, gone off to college, had girlfriends, earned my driver’s license, and so on. But at each step, apart from a congratulations from my parents, it was not as if I was then viewed as someone else, someone transformed into a new being.

While I haven’t had any definitive manhood ‘moment’, American culture is diverse, and it is possible some events do truly impact perceptions. An American son may graduate high school, move on to college, and his elders may forever recognize him as an adult. While it does not represent a ‘manhood’ process and instead demonstrates a ‘womanhood’ process, my girlfriend was recognized as an adult once she turned 18 years of age. Consequently, she can go out whenever she wants where she wants when she is home over breaks (and she need not inform her parents of her plans). However, as a 19 year old, I still find myself occasionally restricted by my parents. I might not always be let out, and when I do find myself leaving home, I have to provide every possible detail: where I am going, who will be there, and when I will be back. I do not know if this process merely represents thorough parenting, but sometimes it feels like a personal blow to my manhood. After all, I am an adult by law and have gone through various defining life moments. Plus, many of my 19 year old male friends do not face these circumstances. But perhaps that just comes with living at home. Their home, their rules, and my manhood is irrelevant.

All in all, I feel American manhood is hard to define, as our country represents a melting pot of cultures—and each culture defines manhood in their own unique way. Traditionally, as seen through previous blogs, the manhood process normally contains several defining stages—one of which marks elders viewing participants in a new light. For some, this occurs in American society. High school graduation, turning 18, etc. may be enough for views to change, and for one to definitively become a man in their household. But for me, I feel these markers have not been enough. Instead, I feel my manhood is mostly judged in the context of my peers—which has its good and bad components. And while we often view extreme manhood rituals as odd and taboo, there is one unifying characteristic of these procedures: there is a beginning (as a boy) and an end (as a man). So while the American manhood experience is often loosely defined, and differs on a familial basis, I might be well into my manhood years in a small tribal society like the Gebusi—where elder judgment plays a more established role.

Concluding Thoughts

Life is a gradual process of personal development, and rites of passage help mark various life stages. On the surface, some rituals may appear as unusual processes—merely trials of pain and torture, particularly in tribal cultures. But in reality, all rites contain purposes, as they help to establish the norms, values, and expectations of the particular society. The more I think about it, passage rituals come by more than we might expect. Sure, marriage, manhood, and turning 21 may serve as universal life-markers, but everyday, we are shaped by various “first” experiences. Perhaps we fail our first test, go on a first date, or dress up for our first job interview. These moments reflect trial, error, and moments for personal reflection, but are not outright defined as passage rites. However, they serve important purposes for personal development. For me, joining a fraternity at Gettysburg represents somewhat of a passage ritual. It may not be considered a general practice by society, as one mustn’t join a fraternity and many are against Greek life. But for me, the experience helped motivate my involvement on campus, and let me come more out of my shell as a person. My ‘elders’ monitoring my personal growth were the brothers of the fraternity, and in its own unique way, I felt the process resembled something like a rite of passage for myself.

It was particularly interesting for me to look into the histories of passage rites, with special attention to manhood. With increasing globalization, I feel the future studies of these practices will prove even more fascinating. We have read in the Gebusi how some cultural components may be lost with increasing development—as Gebusi left the forest and moved by the Nomad Station, they shunned the existence of sorcery and often converted to members of a new faith. And given the severity of many passage rites that involve genital cutting or other personal harm, globalization has created social movements to intervene amidst the processes. But with this said, as seen in the Taboo video with the Xhosa people of South Africa, development didn’t necessarily affect rite of passage rituals. Despite access to the modern world, Tando still faced the enduring task of unanesthetized circumcision, followed by a month of isolation in a small hut. On a case-by-case basis, looking into rite of passage rituals and how they may or may have not changed will directly reflect the magnitude of cultural change. It is worth noting that the divorce rate in America is roughly 50% (Foster 1987). How will this affect the future importance of marriage in America, if there is an increasing likelihood of fallout? And as outlined by a previous blog, how will the gay rights movement influence the perception of the American man and others worldwide? In all, the study of passage rituals helps define what is most important and cherishing in our cultural lives.

Bibliography

Foster, Steven. 1987. “Passage into Manhood: A modern ritual for young men.” Gender 16 (Spring). 50. http://www.context.org/iclib/ic16/foster/